Hunger and votes

August 2012 I wrote in El Universal: "Assuming 600,000 Venezuelans were hungry for ten years, that is 2.190 million nights of hungry Venezuelans... If only the gasoline that is given away for nothing in Venezuela had been sold to international prices, that would have sufficed for much more than 2.190 million succulent and hearty dinners "

And recently I came across an excellent English translation of a fascinating novel published in Norway in 1890, "Hunger", written by Knut Hamsun, Nobel Prize for Literature 1920.

The book is about an unsuccessful writer who suffers from prolonged periods of intense hunger and during which, between consciousness and unconsciousness, he navigates between extreme feelings and emotions.

At one point he is capable of doing anything to eat, and the other would rather die of hunger before doing something unworthy. At one point he fails to see anything that happens around them, and on the other the smallest details overwhelm him with absolute clarity. One moment he is full of the deepest despair and depression, only to soon after be filled with an overflowing and senseless euphoric optimism.

I quote: " The poor individual looks around him at every step, listens suspiciously to every word he hears from the people he meets; thus, every step he takes presents a problem, a task, for his thoughts and feelings. He is alert and sensitive, he is experienced, his soul has been burned…"

Finishing the book my head was full of questions in reference to what happens in my country (Venezuela)…foremost… What does hunger mean for democracy?

One who suffers real hunger, is he capable of exerting any significant political activity? Who that to feed his children might have no choice but to spend all day exploring garbage cans (or in Venezuela spend the whole day in a queues for an opportunity to do some bachaqueo), can be interested in a unpaid political act?

In democracy, how can unscrupulous politicians use the hunger of voters? Looking for votes, will they offer a hearty meal hungry before the voting takes place – running the risk that the so strengthened will not vote for those they can hold responsible for their recent hunger... or not vote for those who injure their pride trying to buy their votes? Or would they offer abundant food once the hungry voters have voted “correctly” – risking that weak and confused, or furious, voters vote for someone else? 

Should the Election Supervision Authority install some equipment to monitor that voters have been sufficiently fed? And what if these computers can be programmed to exclude those who have other symptoms? Should the votes of hungry be worth more, given that for them is should be even more important that governments function well?

Talking with one of my daughters about this, she suggested that all candidates for public office should have experienced some prolonged period of intense hunger, so as to really understand the real extent of their compromise. And who can say she is wrong about that?

Anyhow… cursed be those who purposely, or because of vulgar sheer incompetence, cultivate and harvest their people's hunger, in order to satisfy their own appetites.

El Radical del Medio

My minimum minimorum on exiting Iraq!

I was never in favor of the invasion of Iraq but, once it occurred, I pleaded for a scheme that would put its oil revenues directly into the pockets of all the Iraqis, and thereby set an example that could help to empower the democracy in all the other countries that are cursed with the centralization of their oil revenues… the mother of all oil curses. Unfortunately, the supposed builders of democracy forgot to bring with them to Iraq such a fundamental building block.

Now, when exiting Iraq, as a minimum minimorum, we should at least aspire that the next Saddam Hussein, whenever he will appear, should not find it easier to be the next Saddam Hussein… much the same like the next Bush, whenever he will appear, should not find it easier to be the next Bush.

http://www.policyinnovations.org/ideas/commentary/data/000083

Please...while you are busy leaving Iraq

An ättestupa for the baby boomers?

If countries were open-ended investment trusts, then if the average lifespan was eighty years, a newborn baby should have eighty shares, a fifty-six-year-old consultant (like me) should have only twenty-four shares, and anyone over eighty should count his blessings and be happy with the one he’s got left. From this perspective, our current democracy is a complete farce. I say this after having read the truly hair-raising World Development Report 2007 from the World Bank titled Development and the Next Generation. It so clearly evidences our failings as a society and the fact that most of those coming after us are giving up on participation and hope, with damned good reasons.

The report covers ages 12 to 24, but in From Schooling Access to Learning Outcomes – An Unfinished Agenda presented by the Independent Evaluation Group of the World Bank (IEG) we also read that many even younger students in poor countries (maybe in some rich countries too) can go through a complete primary education without actually learning how to read, which evidences systemic corruption on a massive scale and that completely shames initiatives such as Education for All. Having schools deliver on the absolutely bare minimum expectations could be a truly worthy and concrete goal in the current anticorruption drive of Mr. Paul Wolfowitz, the President of the World Bank. Normally it takes decades to be able to evaluate the programs of the World Bank, but, in this case, it could actually be done by the end of next semester.

It is said that in Scandinavia, a long time ago, when the older people felt that they stood in the way of the young, they threw themselves off steep cliffs known as an ättestupa. These days it could seem like quite the opposite, if we consider how our democracies might have been captured by us baby boomers. We need to revise urgently how our society deals with the next generations, before they throw us down an ättestupa—for damned good reasons!

Excited about the Constituent Assembly 2000

Like many Venezuelans, I have reflected on the Constituent Assembly. At first, I was one of those who believed that although it was true that it seemed necessary to make some changes to our Constitution, these, in any case, could be made through reforms, without the need to resort to what would undoubtedly be a process cumbersome.

Today, when the Constituent Assembly, due to its reception, is almost an accomplished fact, my approach becomes one of "if we are going to do it, let's do it well." Analyzed from this point of view, shaken off the fear of the process and embraced the hope of its potential, I must admit that I have become a fervent and enthusiastic defender of the Constituent Assembly.

My enthusiasm multiplied when I discovered that Venezuela has, at this moment, the unique opportunity to create, for the world, the first Constitution of the next millennium. To be able to live up to these circumstances, I believe it is essential to apply the Chinese proverb, which asks us to aim high for the stars because, even when we do not reach them, we will reach much higher than if we aim for something closer.

I do not downplay the importance of history and I believe that we can and should extract a lot of knowledge from it, when drafting a constitution. However, giving excessive importance to constitutional experts could make us lose an opportunity to thoroughly modernize our constitutional reality.

I accept that there are necessary reforms, which are situated within the context of a traditional constituent debate, such as those that concern the judicial power and the tax capacity of states and municipalities.

Likewise, we require reforms that arise from our own realities. Among these and given our disastrous experience, is that of limiting the State's debt. Because I am absolutely certain that, from time to time, we will have governments incapable of resisting the siren songs, ending up, at no cost, by mortgaging the future of other generations of Venezuelans, I believe that the limitation on the State debt must be have constitutional rank. If Venezuela had not incurred its external public debt, because there is a constitutional provision that prohibits it, I swear to you and I bet you my entire professional career, that thanks to that Constitution, Venezuelans today, "would go better to the supermarket."

Another reform, one of those originating in our own reality and that I consider necessary, is one that establishes the obligation that in the administration of State companies, there is effective representation of civil society. For example, I believe that a PDVSA Board of Directors, whose members were elected by popular vote, rotating a certain percentage of them in each national election, could be an excellent option, to ensure that there is no undue pressure from the political sector or of the oil technocrats.

Notwithstanding all of the above, at this time, what I most wish to highlight is the fact that, as a result of the great changes that have occurred in the world, there is an urgency to introduce constitutional considerations on aspects that have never been contemplated. , in their Magna Cartas, for any country. Allowing me, for these purposes, to suggest the following:

• The information revolution. If it can be stated that "a Democracy with hunger is not Democracy", it must be more valid to say that "a Democracy without information is not Democracy either." Is it not a citizen's right to be able to know the public payroll, the amount of the country's external debt, the “real” recoveries of Fogade, etc.?

There is no doubt that the technology that exists today, to collect and disseminate information, allows a society to have the right to demand from its rulers a level of information, dramatically different, than what could be contemplated when the constitutions currently in force were drafted. I believe that in our 2000 Constitution, the right of the citizen to be informed about government management, in a valid, detailed and real-time manner, should be enshrined.

• The power of advertising. Had they known, in their time, the impact that advertising media have today, I am sure that the drafters of the current constitutions would have introduced limitations to official advertising. The Nation, states, municipalities, government entities and/or state companies should be prohibited from spending a single cent on paying for advertising, clearly aimed at promoting the personal and political image of any public official on duty.

• The globalization. Without a doubt, just trying to redefine the concept of Nation, within what is a world, where global relations intensify, second by second, is a challenge whose importance is lost from sight. How proud it would be for Venezuela to be able to rediscover itself, in a way that guides and illuminates other countries that are lost, which is probably all of them.

Let us enthusiastically face the challenge of showing the world that Venezuela is capable of producing a Constitution that will be an example for the next millennium. Otherwise, not only will we have wasted a historic opportunity, but, to make matters worse, soon after, we would surely have to convene another Constituent Assembly...

Economía Hoy January 12, 1999

To resign or not to resign

Venezuela has continually seen its hopes and illusions for a better future crushed as a consequence of the traditional argument used by our leaders which translated literally goes something like “we were not allowed to govern nor did the conditions to govern exist”. Unfortunately, our governors usually are illuminated with this realization towards the end of their tenure, after they have confiscated five years of national destiny.

Today, all presidential candidates coincide that profound structural reforms must be implemented in order to make this country governable. The sectors that most require these reforms are the judicial system and education. What differs are the candidates’ ideas as to how to go about putting these reforms into place. Methods range from calling for dissolution of congress and rewriting the constitution, to a series of nationwide agreements and consensus.

Not one of the candidates has offered us his or her formal stance on what he or she would do should the reforms required to ensure governability not be effectively applied.

Any reasonably sensible person to whom a specific mission has been assigned (or awarded) would immediately specify and enumerate the resources he will require to successfully complete his duties. Should these resources not be available or in effect be revoked during the course of the mission, this person would either not accept or resign from the latter.

I am not a politician, but if someone asked me to hypothetically elaborate my five-year plan for government, I would definitely have to include the possibility of resigning my post as an integral component of the same. Should I actually have to do so, I would say “I made my promises based on the presumed existence of certain resources; these were not made available; no problem; I’ll go home; I’m certainly not going to make a fool of myself”. The problem is, however, that with such an honorable withdrawal I would, in the eyes of most of our current politicians, be doing exactly that, making a fool of myself.

In parliamentary systems which require a government to form a coalition in order to insure a majority, in countries with electoral processes that require a second round should the first not guarantee any candidate an outright majority and, in effect, in any country with solid two-party systems, governments normally request, and get, a minimum amount of resources required in order to govern.

This evidently is not valid in Venezuela. There must be few countries in which a government is allowed to take power democratically based on the votes of only 18% of the electorate. The current government was put into place after receiving a 30% share of the votes of 60% of the eligible voters.

If as an eligible voter I would wish to introduce reforms to the electoral system, they would apply to exactly that issue. We should find a scheme that allows us, democratically and without undue stress and trauma, to shorten the tenure of any government that shows an evident incapacity to comply with its promises. I consider that to oblige any government to necessarily ride out its five-year term is undue cruelty, both for the governors as well as for the governed.

I will listen very closely then, to the promises and plans of our candidates before I decide for whom to vote in December. This time around, I will also listen very closely to catch any offers to resign should they not comply with the same.

If a lack of availability of promised resources is a logical reason for resigning, then so should be the failure of implemented policies. The way in which our politicians are allowed to pave over their mistakes by making 180-degree reversals in their policies without so much as offering to hand over the keys is embarrassing. There is no doubt that the valiant cry emanating from our war for independence, “vuelvan caras”, today would definitely refer to another part of the anatomy.

It is strange that those that are most hung up on their positions and have consistently ignored their option to resign are usually those that make the most hoopla out of their “resignations” upon actually being fired. It is also strange to note that those that resist any thought of manly resignation are the first to jump ship when the latter begins to take on water

A worthy election volunteer

By Per and M.C. Kurowski

Chapter One: I recently had the opportunity to travel to a country in Central America with widespread poverty. The airplane I was on carried at least 30 young Americans, all of them between 16 and 18 years old. They belonged to one of the Peace Corp´s programs I did not even know still existed. Upon arriving at the local airport, I watched them load their gear onto a truck and head off, facing two years of hard labor in the interior of the country. Without delving into matters of cost-benefit ratios of this enterprise, I must confess that this evidently well-intentioned and healthy volunteer effort moved me deeply.

Chapter Two: I returned home from my trip to Central America and was promptly hit by press reports about the costs involved in our election process. Most of these costs were to related to services that, should democracy really mean something, could easily be supplied by well-intentioned and healthy volunteers. This should be one of the principal priorities for the newly appointed members of our electoral organization.

Chapter Three: I spent the recent Carnival vacations in Margarita. My eldest daughter came to me with a comment about something she had seen on the beach. I enjoyed the story and asked her to put it into writing. The following is the transcription of her notes.

“Adventure on Playa Guacuco by Mercedes Christina – Age 15:

There we were, on the beach, full of family spirit, without a care in the world; a healthy environment to be admired and yearned for; never perturbed but for the few moments when the eventual topless European appeared on the horizon.

The beach is a wonderful place. One is always learning about the latest rumors while the children (a classification awarded to all those younger than I) play with their surf boards or ask for money to buy ice cream or empanadas from the local vendors who, because you are their “favorite client”, generously charge triple the going sales price. Your family keeps smiling, Mom reads a good book, and I, being the well educated daughter I am, comply with my usual duty of making sure Dad receives his daily exercise by playing racket ball.

Just as we began competing to see who would replace Pete Sampras, the ball got away from me and I ran to retrieve it. As I bent down to pick it up, I noticed out of the corner of my eye the presence of a pair of black boots. I straightened up with the intention of asking the owner where he had acquired them since they would definitely have been a great addition to my own collection of footwear. Upon raising my head, I was treated to the fright of my life. The owner of the boots was a longhaired Rambo who was in turn flanked by two lieutenants.

The three soldiers were dressed in camouflage and the only possible reason for their being there in that particular outfit must have been to blend into the palm trees. Given the fact that it was Carnival, their bulletproof vests should probably have been more like egg proof vests. Each one of them was armed to the teeth, and since I am far from an expert in ballistics and armor, their rifles seem more like large cannons.

All this impelled me to reflect on the time and effort our politicians spend supposedly drafting plans to insure the safety of our borders. Apure is the state normally mentioned when adults discuss these problems. My sense of orientation may be poor, but from what I understand, Margarita is not a candidate for surveillance due to border problems. There is quite a distance between Trinidad and Margarita.

Or could it be something else (something my father often talks to me about); that the idea of what adventure tourism should be as perceived by our government is not quite what it should be. They not only scared the wits out of the Europeans, but out of the Venezuelans as well. I believe that instead of attracting foreigners, they are driving them away. For the moment, they should send Rambo and his pals to Apure, where their work will be far more productive.”

Conclusion: Obviously, I am a proud father. I am proud of Mercedes as well as of her sisters. Since I cannot find a sufficiently viable and coherent political proposal out there which will insure improvement of the lamentable situation our country is in, I believe my children form part of a generation of Venezuelans that must necessarily take charge of their own destinies.

However, before they send us packing, I would really like to instill in them a real love for democracy. In this sense, I ask the new officials of our electoral council to forget about teachers and professors when planning the execution of our next presidential elections and give our 15 to 18 year olds a chance to really participate. They are the principal source of generous volunteer service well as the primary victims of our electoral mistakes.