Showing posts with label anti corruption. Show all posts
Showing posts with label anti corruption. Show all posts

Thursday, March 13, 2014

The Hugo Chavez Revolution cheated the poor

And before “Chavistas” stop reading this let me point out that the title does not imply that Hugo Chavez, as a person, deceived the poor, all the time, since for sure he himself was also much deceived by some of his most dedicated followers.

So let me explain the Great Deception.

If there is one thing that the Chavez Revolution holds, is that it foremost works for the poor of Venezuela... and it congratulates itself with reports where the Gini coefficient evidences that inequality has declined in Venezuela. Well ... that is completely false unless you want to argue that this was achieved by impoverishing many of those who had something more.


But the Gini coefficient in itself contains falsehoods. As an example, its calculations, for “methodological" reasons, does not include the income of those who became rich via corruption and deviation of funds, like the “boli-bourgeois” (the new rich) and the “briefcase companies” (a name for those who have abused the foreign exchange controls)

And I can argue the Great Deception even stronger.

Imagine that the government had not directly given dollars to other countries or purchased services at inflated prices (Cuban doctors and nurses)

Imagine that the government had not given away the gasoline in Venezuela ($ 6 cents per gallon, € 1.5 cents per liter) and had sold it at its international price.

Imagine that it has not sold cheapo-dollars to those traveling abroad

Imagine that it has not sold cheapo-dollars for imports, those who benefit criminal importers, for instanbce those who over-invoice, or good faith importers, by providing very generous distribution margins ... and which all ultimately delivers only a tiny portion of benefits to the population which, precisely because it is poor, consumes less imports.

And imagine instead that all these resources just HAD BEEN distributed equally in cash among all Venezuelans.

In such a case, I assure you that the Gini coefficient would have shown a vastly larger, more real and more sustainable reduction of inequalities in Venezuela.

So you the poor of Venezuela and you the middle class in the process of being part of the poor in Venezuela, demand your share of the net oil revenues, in cash, in dollars.

And please, I beg you, stop being so naïve as to believe the story that some experts, no matter where they come from, no matter how beautiful they speak to you, know better than what you know what to do with an amount that can represent 150-250 dollars monthly for each one of you 

PS . Reading about some new government efforts to further indebt our country, I beg our students: “You, who would be the surest payers of this debt, declare that debts, incurred only to postpone much needed corrections are "odious", and that therefore you have not the slightest intention of sacrificing yourself by paying these.


How can one ask other countries for respect when one disrespects one’s own countrymen?

How can one ask for a multi-polar world while requiring a single-polar country?

How can a government which manages 98% of all the exports of the country, declare itself so innocent of its problems?

How can you say to sleep like a baby and wake up with such large bags under the eyes?

Do you think that Hugo Chavez would sleep happy as Maduro says he does, when so much unhappiness abounds?

Some countries have governments that washes brains, Venezuela has one which is brainwashed

Thursday, June 14, 2007

The anti-corruption experts are but another sublime form of corruption.

I am opposed with passion to corruption, how could I not be, I come from Venezuela, and I fully support with all my heart the valiant work of all those anti-corruption warriors out there in the world. But, having said let me also unequivocally state that anyone who sells himself as an anti-corruption expert is in my opinion just engaged in another though perhaps more sublime version of corruption.

Corruption is about life and human weaknesses and should therefore always be fought by people and not by experts.

Thursday, April 05, 2007

Let us not waste this opportunity to make a very significant reform at the World Bank

On the web of World Bank (WB) we can read an interview with Suzanne Rich Folsom, the Director of the World Bank's Department of Institutional Integrity (INT), on the theme of fraud and corruption. When questioned “What sanctions are imposed on those misusing WB’s funds?, she answers “when we find that a supplier has engaged in corruption in a project, we take actions to debar them – which means to make sure they can’t get any more contracts for a while. We also publicly debar – we list their names on our website. ‘Naming and shaming’ is a huge deterrent.” This sounds of course reasonable, especially considering that INT is not a court that could send anyone to jail.

Unfortunately, immediately thereafter, Folsom also has to say the following: “We’re often asked why we don’t publicly name WB staffs that are terminated for fraud and corruption as well. The WB’s rules don’t allow such disclosures…”, and this, no matter how you look at it, is of course something completely unacceptable and represents a truly ugly wart on the public face of what in so many respects is the best managed of all our international organizations.

Perhaps these days, when the World Bank’s President’s and a former staff names are publicly mentioned everywhere as having done something not correct, this could be the best opportunity ever for getting rid of whatever crazy disclosure rule stops the World Bank from living as it preaches,

Tuesday, August 01, 2006

The world needs more than a theme park of anticorruption efforts

My comments on Strengthening the World Bank Group's Work in Governance and Anticorruption

Dear Friends,

Recently Moisés Naím in an article, Bad Medicine, in Foreign Policy (March–April 2005), suggested that the world might have become too fixated on battling corruption. Of course, blaming corruption for all evil is stupid, and Naím’s article is a good aide-mémoire on that, but the alternative of turning a blind eye on corruption sounds so much worse! Therefore, we very much welcome the World Bank’s efforts to do more and better. The Naím article also cited Daniel Kaufmann as saying, “The last 10 years have been deeply disappointing . . . Much was done, but not much was accomplished. What we are doing is not working,” but this has to be interpreted as a clamor for better strategies and not as a capitulation.

Given our current global problems, a corrupt world—a world where everyone is looking for his or her short-term gratification—is just an unsustainable world, and so it is imperative that the many difficulties that come up while fighting corruption should only strengthen our will to fight it. That it has to be done intelligently is obvious. Also, while doing so, we need to heed Naím’s warning that “before we engage the enemy, we should take the equivalent of the Hippocratic oath, and promise first to do no harm,” That goes without saying.

I can in many ways demonstrate the importance I have given to the issue of fighting corruption, in any of its manifestations, not the least during the two years when I was an Executive Director of the Bank, and when, as an example, I requested that some major documents relevant to the issue should be discussed at a full Board meeting, with the presence in person of the Bank’s president. The fast-track procedure that had been envisaged in my mind belittled its importance.

In this respect, I am very grateful for this opportunity that allows me once again to voice my opinion publicly on the issue of fighting corruption and the World Bank’s role in this struggle. I will do my utmost to try to keep it as brief and concise as possible. Likewise, I shall use as a reference the discussion document presented as part of this consultation process.

1. First and foremost, corruption, in all its manifestations, has its origin in those frailties that affect all human beings. In this respect, any attempt to classify the world in terms of the corrupted and the not corrupted is in itself corruption. Accepting this fact, with humility, is an absolute prerequisite if we are going to reach the necessary enlightenment to move forward and upward as a civilization. In fact, what we now observe in many of the supposedly corruption-free developed countries may in fact just be some better-camouflaged and more resistant strains of the same virus. In this respect, we urge the World Bank to eliminate from all its documentation any holier-than-thou manifestations, explicit or implicit, since these serve no useful purpose. That the Bank should listen to its shareholders and look for guidance goes without saying. However, to qualify some shareholders as having “significant experience in assuring sound governance policy and practices,” (1) in this context, is not helpful since in its anticorruption efforts the Bank will do its best when it works to help all shareholders, and not some specially singled out. This, of course, has nothing to do with limiting the possibilities of the World Bank to speak out in very clear terms against any particular outrageous manifestations of corruption. Indeed, we believe it should, much more forthrightly than it has in the past.

2. The fight against corruption, like so many other aspects of life, lies on a continuum where it is impossible to ascertain validly and precisely just how much has been achieved. The Bank should refrain from trying to categorize achievements in these matters, and most especially its own, since the resulting flag-waving contains many elements that bear uncomfortably close resemblance to corruption. For instance, a phrase like “The World Bank has come a long way on governance and anticorruption in a brief period” (8) is a no-no, not only because the distance traveled in that short time might be almost insignificant relative to the distance we need to travel, but also because it is disrespectful of all the efforts that must have been made earlier. In many of our developed and developing countries, one of the most disgraceful manifestations of corruption occurs when governments and politicians use taxpayer money to advance their own image. Thus, the Bank needs to set an example and refrain itself as much as possible from doing just that.

3. Corruption has many faces. Unfortunately, we tend to single out just some of them by placing them in a display case that contains the typical products of “administrative corruption—such as petty bribes to utility officials.” (11) Likewise, we highlight those that have “deep political roots—such as state capture and procurement corruption” (11). Selecting these and remaining silent about so many other forms of corruption is, again, to corrupt the debate. It is somehow like buying some cheap souvenirs as evidence of “having-been-there.” In my own country, Venezuela, the single worst corruption taking place is so large and so encompassing that most people do not even see it. I refer to the fact that the domestic price of gasoline is kept, in terms of United States currency, below 4 cents per liter, below 15 cents per gallon. That artificially low price transfers about 10 billion dollars per year as regressive subsidies from those that do not buy gasoline to those that do. In the same vein, the way much public indebtedness is contracted all over the world in order to support consumption and then it is justified on the dubious grounds that the debt level is considered to be sustainable, when the grim reality is that it will have to be repaid by future generations. This is a massive corruption to which we have just conveniently decided to turn a blind eye. The challenges in front of us, in issues such as global warming, do indeed require the World Bank to step up its efforts to find adequate mechanisms for cutting down carbon usage. It must do so in noncorrupt ways and that minimize the number of free riders, as far as possible. Therefore, in this respect, we cannot afford to let the Bank limit its concept of corruption, or its anticorruption efforts, until they become merely the equivalent of a theme park with a couple of fun-and-games distractions.

4. Many expressions of corruption are hideous and then again many seem almost harmless. However, where to draw the line that differentiates them, we must decide by personal conscience and by public law. And we must do so without releasing external forces of an inquisitorial nature, witch hunting that could be even more corrupt than the corruption it is fighting. In this respect, we should be a bit concerned when reading about an explicit call for fighting corruption “as assessed by staff professional judgment.” Staff members, of course, like all the rest of us human beings, do make implicit judgments all the time, but this should not confer on us any formal attributes of judges. A conscious effort should be made at all times to be very descriptive and open and clear about what the Bank’s terms-of-engagement are. We must leave as little as possible open to nontransparent judgments.

5. Notwithstanding all that has been said and that reflects how hard it is to get a solid handle on the issue of corruption, these difficulties are further compounded by the fact that fighting it still requires being able to draw some very clear lines. In this respect, we need to warn that when it is said that the Bank, through “Country Governance and Corruption Assessment,” (23) “calibrates the level of attention to governance and corruption to the assessed levels of risk which these issues present to effective poverty reduction” (24), we could be instructing the Bank to enter into a formal and quantitative approach that, by trying to measure corruption in relative terms, entails a moral hazard that could in fact make the fight against corruption more difficult.

6. Paradoxically we must also remember that corruption is about breaking societal norms and, though most people might not be able to specify exactly where that line should be drawn, most frequently they still have quite an accurate idea of when they or others are crossing that line. Therefore when the document mentions that “A more explicit anticorruption focus in fiduciary approaches is to be adopted,” (33) we need also to warn about the possibility of then drawing lines in such a way that it would permit actions that until that moment had been quite correctly prohibited though not in an explicit way. This is, by the way, exactly what many of us coming from developing countries believe might have happened when we observe very strange and almost inexplicable consequences of laws that regulate lobbying activity. We urge the Bank to dare help the world draw up and enforce lines. However, let us be very clear about it, that doing so carries with it huge difficulties and responsibilities.

7. In fighting corruption we always need to be aware that ineffectively wasting scarce resources is just another form of corruption. For instance in the extremely important issue of environmental protection, currently a lot of resources are wastefully spent on inefficient, stopgap measures, like hybrid cars, instead of developing the efficient and sustainable long-term solutions we all need. Similarly, in fighting corruption, the Bank also needs to be careful not to waste resources on microlevel enforcements, just for show, instead of helping to develop the sustainable and effective anticorruption tools the whole world needs.

8. With regards to the Bank’s own direct role and responsibility in the anticorruption fight, we would like to ask questions about or comment upon the following:

a. What should the consequences be for Bank staff if they are conclusively found out to have participated directly in an act of corruption? In the same way as it should be of the highest priority to protect Bank staff adequately from all risks related to their work, including of course all those that could be derived from fighting corruption, it is also important, for the credibility of the Bank, that these protections do not unduly isolate the Bank’s staff from the necessary accountability. The operational guidelines in this area need to be very transparently disclosed since the current situation of having a public list of professionals barred from engaging with the Bank on the basis of some fraudulent and corrupt actions, named and shamed, while not one single Bank staff name appears on any list, is obviously incompatible with the role the World Bank wants to play.

b. “Reputational risk” (23) as currently presented is irrelevant to this public debate and should be deleted. Of course there are risks for the Bank’s reputation, basically in anything it does. That is just how it is, but discussing its avoidance sounds quite similar to an investor banker expressing to his clients his concerns about how to minimize his own reputational risk, were they to lose all the money he manages for them.

c. The “reputational risk” that we find really relevant though, is greatest when the Bank’s own good reputation could risk being seen as camouflaging acts of corruption of others. In this respect, I recommend that in the public documentation of all projects financed, there should appear a simple one-page Public Notice that lays out the most important risks for corruption in the operation, what is being done to diminish them, and, much more importantly, what the World Bank cannot and should not be expected to do. That note should then be placed on the Web in order to enlist the civic-minded civilians in the fight.

9. Many of the specific suggested actions in the document point in a correct direction, but in order to help make the most out of them, we would like to make the following comments:

a. Of course, the World must strive to give noncriminals shelter from criminal pursuit when they cross a border. However, it likewise needs to avoid allowing criminals impunity while protecting the noncriminals. We are not exactly sure about the role of the Bank in this issue but, in its role of promoting global applicable knowledge, we absolutely agree that in the “restitution of assets to countries plundered by corrupt leaders,” “it has an important advocacy role to play.” (40)

b. The Bank should help to make the most of the new information technologies in terms of advancing the general transparency of governments. But, to do so effectively, the best way to move forward is to develop a series of good-practices and how-to-do-it standards and then to make them available to everyone, not only to the usual suspects. In this respect we very much would commend all efforts aimed at a “common framework specifically for diagnosing corruption at the sector level.” There could be no more effective start against corruption than knowing specifically how it works, something that is also quite correctly being brought up when mentioning the value of IFC gaining “experience and familiarity with industry practices” (38).

c. In the case of innovative Global Partnerships such as the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative, we can just speculate on how much more results and credibility they could deliver if they could be developed and tested in rich countries, instead of having to make their very brave debuts in the most difficult places and circumstances.

d. Corruption—it takes two to tango—and so with respect to the role that the World Bank should play in generating global conscience about the need of joining together when fighting it, and fighting it on all fronts, the sky is the limit. For instance the Bank should be willing to accept playing an Independent Evaluation Unit role with regard to initiatives like the OECD’s Anti-Bribery convention.

e. The document calls for more actions enlisting the Private Sector in the fight and building up on some very valuable initiatives that bear resemblance to the Equator Principles methodology used by IFC with respect to the environment. We much applaud them, but we need to remind them that the true sustainable worth of these programs lies in their absolute fiduciary honesty. Therefore, it is vital to maintain the strictest of safeguards and always make sure that independent civil society ombudsmen are sufficiently empowered to make very sure that these programs are not captured by other agendas.

e. The document asks, “Can civil society be used as an instrument for ensuring accountability and minimizing risk in Bank projects? Are there individual or institutional ‘champions’ of good governance—whether within government or among local civil society—whose efforts can be supported by Bank analysis advice or operations? especially through lending?” (21). To these questions, we have to answer, “Of course! Is there any other way?”

10. As most anticorruption efforts are closely related to the societies’ general law-enforcement capabilities, starting with the investigative (38), we also need to remind ourselves of the importance of not imposing demands that exceed a government’s capability. Doing so could lead to a further erosion of its credibility, or, even worse, to opening up new growth opportunities for all those forces who generally participate in illegal and illicit markets. In this respect, an enforceability assessment needs to be a part of any anticorruption initiative.

11. Also the World Bank should look into how corruption is sanctioned, and whether resources for fighting it exist in a way that truly helps the society to advance. In many of our countries, one of the main hurdles in the fight against corruption is the lack of resources needed to be able to sanction the faults, like prisons that could be deemed human. This is a very real problem, unfortunately much ignored until now by the World Bank and others, not least the governments involved. Given some recent experiences, most notably how criminal bands like the Central Americans’ mara salvatrucha were born in prison facilities in the USA, and that is making it so much more difficult to fight poverty, we cannot afford to ignore the problem of how inadequate sanctioning facilities might even make the problems worse.

Friends, let me end by assuring you that these opinions are, as far as possible, not intended to preach a puritan unachievable perfection. They are given only in the sincere hope that they could help stimulate those small efforts needed to be just a little bit better, and which, at the end of the day, is what can move us all forward toward a better future. If some of the observations have fallen into the category of being obnoxiously self-evident, excuse me, but in this issue of corruption it is not that easy to separate the extremely important from the absolutely vital.

Yours sincerely
Per Kurowski
A former ED 2002-2004
Now just a private citizen

Friday, August 01, 1997

A million-dollar cédula

I realize that the dance of billions of Bolívares (millardos in Venezuela-speak) can often make it difficult to determine if we are talking of important amounts of money or not. When we speak in terms of dollars, it is usually clearer. During the past few weeks, we have been subjected to the debate swirling around the government’s decision to acquire a new national identification system valued at US$ 500 million.

US$ 500 million is a truly large sum of money! It is equivalent, for example, to the cost of 600,000 good computers or 35,000 middle range automobiles. It is superior by a long shot to estimates of the investment required to renew the entire metropolitan aqueduct of Caracas. Measured in day-to-day matters, this sum amounts to approximately 2.1 billion subway tickets. The financial cost of this investment, at a modest 10% interest rate, would be US$ 50 million per annum, which allocated to an estimated 2 million cédulas issued per year would result in a unit cost (interest only) of US$ 25 per document produced.

What is truly surprising, is that the debate this decision has raised is centered on whether or not formal steps corresponding to the award process, either by formal bid or through direct negotiation, have been complied with. There has been little mention of analysis, nor have many questions been raised, as to how the use of the nation’s resources is being prioritized. Suppose, strictly for argument’s sake, that a 10% commission will go towards fattening a corrupt official’s bank account. Suppose, as well, that the investment per se is really not necessary and that the objectives established could be reasonably covered with an investment of, say, US$ 100 million. The cost to the nation of the crime represented by the commission paid would be US$ 50 million. The cost of a flawed decision, even if taken by Mother Teresa herself, would be US$ 400 million.

A country often must undertake considerable institutional investments even when basic primary needs have not been met, but in this case, the cost-benefit ratio used by the National Government to support this huge outlay is difficult to fathom. Although it would obviously be nice to have a cutting-edge national identification system, the country has many profound needs that are far too important to allow us the luxury of trying to resolve a basic organizational problem by simply throwing money at it.

When we contemplate the dilapidated state of our health and education systems, it is difficult to understand the decision to dedicate such an important amount of resources towards resolving a problem which seems to be secondary in nature. Even developed countries such as the United States and the UK don’t even have identification systems.

In Venezuela today, we have severe problems related to the lack of basic equipment, material and even passports. These problems undoubtedly are caused by an absence of administrative capacity and this could mean that even if we invest in a new national identification system, we would very quickly be suffering the impact of this very same indolence.

It has been suggested that, should we not accept the proposed system, the one that contains a 4K memory chip, our only other alternative would be a student ID card. I don’t quite understand what is so wrong with our traditional laminated cedulas; if only they were ordered and issued on time.

If the political will to avoid fraud and to severely punish officials perpetrating the same does not exist, the system, no matter how much we invest in it, will not work. The only probable result would be that the tariff charged for corresponding illegal transactions would simply be increased.

As a pacifier, we are told that there is no reason to worry since this will essentially be a government to government transaction. Maybe we should be asking for a citizen-to-citizen conversation instead. I’m almost certain that the German citizens, should they be shown photographs of the operating rooms in the Hospital Pérez Carreño, would not see the ethical value of sending us a US$ 500 million personal identification system.

Finally, as an intellectual exercise, I asked several of my friends to come up with some of the bad things one can do with a false cedula. None of the suggestions they came up with come even close to the horrifying things someone can perpetrate with, for example, a false driver’s license. Except, perhaps, the role false cedulas may have had in electing our governments. For this to be avoided, 4K of memory might not be enough.




Traducción:

Reconozco que en el baile de los millardos de bolivares puede a veces resultar dificil determinar si se esta hablando de un monto importante o no. Cuando se expresa en dólares no. Durante las últimas semanas se le ha indicado al pais la voluntad del gobierno de adquirir un nuevo sistema de cedulación en 500 Millones de dólares.

500 Millones de dólares es un monto realmente grande. Equivale por ejemplo al costo de 600.000 buenas computadoras o a 35.000 carros tipo mediano. Es bastante superior a las estimaciones de costo requeridas para renovar todo el sistema del acueducto metropolitano. En elementos del dia a dia significa 2.130.000.000 de tikets de metro A una modesta tasa del 10% representa unos intereses anuales de 50 Millones de dólares y los cuales repartidos sobre un nivel de 2 millones de cédulas al año resultaría en un costo, solo por intereses de 25 dólares por cédula.

El tema ha generado un debate en el pais. Lo sorprendente de éste es que se ha centrado en determinar si se han cumplido o no con los pasos formales referentes a un proceso de adjudicación, sea por via de licitación o negociación directa, y menos en analizar o cuestionar los procesos de como se esta prioritizando el uso de los recursos del pais. Supongamos exclusivamente para fines de una discusión de que existiese una comisión del 10% y que fuera a engrosar la cuenta de algún funcionario corrupto. Supongamos además que la inversión en sí no fuese necesaria y que los objetivos previstos pudiesen razonablemente cumplirse con una inversión de 100 millones de dólares. El costo para el pais del crimen de la comisión es de 50 Millones. El costo para el pais de haber tomado la decisión equivocada y aún cuando así lo hubiese hecho la propia Madre Teresa, sería de 400 Millones de dólares.

A veces un pais puede tener la necesidad de efectuar inversiones institucionales aún cuando existan necesidades primarias insatisfechas pero en este caso resulta dificil entender la relación costo beneficio que pueda haberle sugerido al Gobierno Nacional este cuantioso gasto. Por supuesto que sería agradable poseer un sistema de identificación de vanguardia pero el país tiene necesidades mucho más importantes como para permitirse el lujo de tratar de resolver a realazos un problema básicamente de orígen organizativo.

Es dificil en Venezuela cuando contemplamos el lastimoso estado de la salud y de la educación entender que alguien sugiera dedicar tan importantes recursos a resolver un problema que pareceria hasta ser secundario por cuanto paises desarrollados como Estados Unidos e Inglaterra ni siquiera poseen sistemas de identificación.

Si en Venezuela tenemos un problema actual debido a la falta de equipos básicos, láminas y hasta de pasaporte es indiscutible que dicho problema se origina ante nada en una falta de capacidad administrativa y lo cual podría significar que aún cuando se efectúe la inversión en poco tiempo nuevamente suframos los impactos de la desidia.

Se nos ha dicho que de no aceptar la propuesta desarrollada, la del chip de los 4k, nuestra única alternativa sería la de un carnet estudiantil. No entiendo que de malo tiene nuestra actual cédula de identidad laminada, si la pidiesen y emitiesen a tiempo.

Si no existe la voluntad política de evitar los fraudes y de castigar severamente a los funcionarios incursos en los fraudes de identificación, el sistema y por mucho que se invierta, no funcionará. Probablemente el único resultado sería el de elevar la tarifa que se cobra por la ilegalidad.

Como un pacificador se le indica a la nación venezolana que no hay de que temer por cuanto esta operación se efectuara de gobierno a gobierno. Quizas debamos recurrir a una conversación de pueblo a pueblo. Estoy seguro de que el pueblo alemán, de mostrarles una fotos de la sala quirurgica del Hospital Pérez, estarían poco de acuerdo con el valor ético de vendernos un sistema de identificación en 500 Millones de dólares.

Finalmente y como un ejercicio intelectual le pregunté a varios de mis amigos sobre que cosas malas se puede hacer con una cédula falsa. Ninguna de las sugerencias llegaba ni cerca de los horrores que puedan producirse con por ejemplo una falsa licencia de conducir. Excepto quizás la de poder elegir nuestros gobiernos y para evitar tales desgracias quizas 4 k no sean suficientes.