Of bolivars and time-sharing

The so often mentioned Law for the Safeguarding of Public Patrimony (Ley de Salvaguarda del Patrimonio Publico) imposes controls over the sale or liquidation of public assets. It is interesting to note that this law is completely and utterly ignored when it comes to the sale, day after day, hour after hour, of what should be classified as the country’s main public assets, i.e. its reserve of dollars.

At this point in time, I doubt there is one economist that, upon having analyzed the evolution of relative prices and the forecasts for the country’s income levels (basically oil), doesn’t consider that the Bolívar is overvalued to the tune of at least 20%. That means the Dollar should be worth at least Bs. 670.

Why, then, don’t we devalue? I don’t know the proper answer for this question, but if you asked me to speculate, I would probably infer that it was due to factors such as ignorance or stubbornness. I still remember back in 1982, when I called for a modest devaluation of the Bolivar so as to correctly reflect circumstances that resemble the ones we have present today. The absurd argument against this devaluation I received from professionals of fame and reputation was that this was impossible since we were due to celebrate the bicentennial of our Liberator Simon Bolivar in 1983, and that a devaluation was tantamount to denigrating the latter.

These references to the dishonor of Bolivar’s memory, were totally confusing for someone like myself. I was educated under the influence of a system of competitive economies for whom the real heroes were those authorities that managed to devalue the currencies of their countries just a tad more that their neighbors, furthering economic development even if this came at the expense of others. I consider it is patriotic to generate opportunities of internal employment by way of increasing exports and minimizing imports. 

It is possible that we still have public servants that equate a downwards readjustment of the exchange rate with national weakness and an upwards readjustment with strength. If these people have invested a high amount of ego in this argument, God save us if they find that they could theoretically return to the days of Bs. 4.30/US$ by increasing bank reserve requirements and increasing interest rates.

One of the more ridiculous arguments arising from this debate is that the government is not promoting a fiscally motivated devaluation thereby showing that there is great seriousness in the managing of the country’s finances. Devaluations are the consequence of irresponsible fiscal management, not the cause of it.

The only truly fiscally motivated devaluation that occurs is when, due to a lack of confidence in the future of the country, the market decides to pay an exaggerated premium for foreign currency. We could call this a tax on nervousness. When we analyze recent Venezuelan history, there is no doubt that our governments have been very efficient in their collection of this tax. “The budget doesn’t balance. Let’s spook the markets and get more Bolivars for every Dollar”.

The least we should expect out of a government in its dying days is that they don’t leave a wide gap in the valuation of our currency based exclusively on artifices such as disproportionately high interest rates or the simple burning of international reserves. The next government’s job, whoever it is, will be sufficiently complicated without having to tackle this type of problem.

The use of mini-devaluations fixed within a band is a reasonable policy when one is trying to manage market expectations on inflation and devaluation into the future. The use of the band system and mini-devaluations to hide facts that already exist (inflation and falling oil prices) is an insult to our country and our intelligence.

If, in the face of all of its mistakes, the Government really wishes to make an act of penitence, I suggest they go about seriously and effectively reducing the unproductive public payroll. I say seriously and effectively since our governors have in the past demonstrated their dexterity in applying the techniques used by the sales persons hawking time-sharing units. These sales persons normally increase the sales price by US$ 15,000 in order to then generously award potential purchasers a discount of US$ 12,000. The same goes for our politicians, who first increase the public payroll in order to then propose a reduction.

By the way, it is being said that, although the government has not been able to reduce the payroll, it has at least designed the restructuring plans that will allow the next government to achieve this goal “with ease”. I believe that, as far as shamelessness is concerned, our politicians are head and shoulders above sellers of time-sharing units.

There is no time for games

John Kenneth Galbraith wrote about the evolution of economic nomenclature in the context of describing the efforts of economists and politicians to soften over the impact of economic disasters. He describes how, throughout the period between 1907 until the Nixon years, the word ‘panic’ evolved into crisis, depression, recession, sideways movement and rolling readjustment. At the end of this period, the panic of 1893 would have been called a simple “growth correction”.

In Venezuela we have perfected the habit of exaggeration, and I therefore think we have never linguistically sub-estimated our economic crises. Our problem is that we have never managed to act in accordance with the gravity of our problems. We are eight months away from the swearing in of a new government, but the majority of the proposals put before us seem to be related more with actually making it there rather than with finding ways of facing the emergency situation we are in today.

In today’s economic context, we have a basic problem. The country blithely jumped onto the global wave of commercial aperture without having identified a strategy beforehand that would guarantee an acceptable level of employment. We trusted too much in the sheer power of market forces while totally ignoring the fact that sometimes these forces can work only if there is a total destruction of the existing economic structure in the country. Nobody was willing or prepared to accept such destruction, nor did anyone have much reason to accept one of such magnitude.

Unemployment grew hand in hand with the opening of the economy to global markets that implied prices at international levels, for example, for fertilizers. Instead of allowing the market in all its cruelty (supposedly temporarily), to indicate the way forward, politicians, either because their hands trembled or simply because they wished to take advantage of the added resources, let the public sector employment grow as never before.

We are at the crossroads of a new century (indeed, millennium). We know that the marginal economic value of our public expenditure is zero, zilch, zippo. We also know that we should, without much contemplation, sack almost 500,000 public employees, since these, also without contemplation, are the most probable cause of the poverty of another 5 million. What we do not know is how to go about it, especially in an electoral year.

The result is that we continue to be captives of the illusion that this massive reduction can be made only when the private sector (who’s taxes and interest rates we want increased) has supplied us with jobs to offset it. My God! We certainly seemed to have made up our mind on this particular chicken and egg situation.

The current state of the oil sector makes this structural problem even worse. If it was difficult to maintain the system with oil at US$ 15 per barrel, it must be impossible at US$ 11. The drop in oil prices, however, now gives us the excuse to review our current policies. If I were to sit down with a panel of experts and was allowed the traditional 30 seconds that is allowed an expert to solve problems, I would say:

Our priority is to generate real employment in Venezuela. If we don’t, we will never recapture the confidence of the Venezuelans, and without the latter the confidence of the international community is a moot point and may even be damaging. The lowering of interest rates is essential in order to kick-start this policy. In this sense, we must devalue the Bolivar now, accepting that it has already been devalued about 20%, a fact just hidden behind high interest rates. We should also study the possibility of changing banking regulations to allow for a system of financing based on indexed units that would allow real repayment terms for those who wish to invest in long term projects.

In order to insure that the above has real significance and does not worsen the situation even more, we must among other things: immediately reduce public payroll by 500,000 people; reactivate the construction sector; impose (without being bashful) protectionist import duties of 20% on all imports (except those from Colombia, the only trading partner were we bilaterally seem to be promoting jobs and who we should invite to join us in the increase of tariffs); and finally, reduce or even eliminate the value added tax. The reduction of the value-added tax, even though it flies in the face of fiscal balance, is a sacrifice the politicians must go through in order to make their promise of the reduction of the public sector in favor of the private one credible.

People may say that this is a Messianic proposal. In many ways they may be right. I think, however, that this alternative is based on sounder fundamentals than, say, those of the desperate Messianism which argues for the sale of PDVSA in order to balance the accounts.

The day a constitutional prohibition on new debt is put into place and the government has been limited and complies with its duties, I will be at ease with the plan to sell PDVSA in order to service our debt. In the meantime, the only patriotic thing to do is to avoid fanning the fires of waste, such as we did with the resources obtained from the oil opening.

The demands of university professors simply serve to make a point for drastic action. The professors brazenly maintain that they are 40,000 strong in 17 public universities. This translates into 2,350 per institution and they are asking for the equivalent of US$ 115,000 per head in compensation.

This is not a time for fun and games. Towards the end of June I read a statement issued by a representative of the World Bank who contemplates the possibility of a real depression in Asia. This is the first time I’ve read something like that, and knowing how discreet these officials usually are, it is frightening.

Mickey Mouse, please help us!

If we look at it objectively, there seem to be few things that are as important for the future of the oil industry of Venezuela as is the development of Orimulsion. Likewise, there are few places in the world with which Venezuela has closer ties than to Florida. On the 24th of June 1998, the State of Florida, without valid fundamental reasons, ratified its prohibition on the use of Orimulsion for its power generation.

We have thereby received an insolent and costly slap in the face. Venezuelans, however, continue to pack their bags to go spend their money on vacations in Florida as if nothing had happened. In my opinion, this simply proves that there is a total absence of the only ingredient necessary to confront and solve the difficult situation our country is in, that is, a sense of patriotism.

As a youngster, I participated in parades in honor of national holidays which promoted the concept of a nation by singing hymns and waving flags. I don’t complain about this, on the contrary, I’m proud and grateful for it. Times change, however, and I’m not sure we want to exaggerate with the parade issue if we wish to give our children the best of all gifts, the pride of belonging to a country, of being a Venezuelan.

Orimulsion is a product invented and produced in Venezuela, and it can be attributed both mythical as well as real elements and characteristics. I therefore believe it is possible to develop a campaign of national identity around it. In this sense (although technically incorrect) it should be enough to visualize images of energy and power bubbling up from the turbulent waters of the Orinoco to the sound of Enya's "Orinoco Flow".

I realize that I am running the risk of being accused of patriotic mumbling and many would ask me what we would do with national pride anyhow. The answer is obvious. We would be able to show the world that Venezuela, more than a simple geographical presence, represents a community of wills and desires that should be respected as such.

I am absolutely sure that Venezuela would be a country with a bright future should all of our youngsters react against Florida’s decision by threatening to cancel trips to Disney World and asking their parents to take their “cheap, give me two” shopping sprees elsewhere.

What worries me even more is the fact that this national apathy towards Florida’s prohibition on Orimulsion comes in the face of a widespread cry for declaring a national emergency due to the drastic fall in world oil prices. As an example of this silence, it is enough to note that the discreet protests emanating from the Venezuelan American Chamber of Commerce (VenAmCham), the only entity that would conceivably have the right to a pained silence, surpass those of the Congress, Fedecamaras, the CTV, universities and presidential candidates.

In today’s world, it has become evident that public opinion is a strong weapon that can be effectively used to obtain favorable results from international commercial negotiations. For good or bad, we are generally not amazed, for example, by the exaggerated advantages awarded agriculture in Europe because we recognize the power of public opinion wielded by this sector.

We have given Bitor and its management (a black box to most) the responsibility of negotiating an issue of utmost importance to the country without giving them either the support of powerful groups that could conceivably promote a strong lobby nor the support of solid public opinion to which they could make reference. This is infantile, and what happened was simply bound to happen.

When I broached the subject to my young daughters, specially the part of not going to Disney World, there seemed to be an immediate backlash since they thought I was insinuating that Mickey was responsible for our troubles. Harmony returned when I explained, however, that what we should really be doing is writing to Mickey to ask him to help us, since without Orimulsion there is no money and without money we cannot continue to visit him.

Harmony could also return to Venezuela if we manage to unite everyone around sacrifices that make real sense such as: defending Orimulsion at all costs; imposing emergency duties to avoid total atrophy of our possibilities of creating internal jobs markets and; prioritizing investments within the country.

If on the contrary we: a) ignore Florida’s slap in the face; b) continue to permit the contraband in our ports, thereby guaranteeing job places in other countries; c) keep building (mostly with public funds) gasoline stations in the face of a lack of schools; d) continue to base emergency plans on the collection of additional taxes in order to finance the indolence of others; and e) take on additional debt which will have to be repaid by our grandchildren, there will be no country left to harmonize.

Unfortunately, should this occur, I will have no other choice but to suggest to my children that they should quit seeing Mickey as a source of recreation and look at him as a future boss, as many compatriots who have had to leave the country actually consider him already. Let’s take advantage of Orimulsion and consolidate ourselves as a nation.

Let's, all whakapohane!

I remember having read a few years back about one particular method used by the Maori of New Zealand to protest about something that bothered them. This method consists of lining up a group of Maori tribesmen, turning their backs towards the person or persons that are the target of the protest, dropping their trousers and showing them their naked backsides. This rite is named Whakapohane. 

Without delving further into this tradition, and in spite of the fact that it seems primitive and is most certainly an ugly spectacle, I think it could be also classified as a civilized and most efficient way to protest. Civilized because it does no damage to anyone or anything (except to those people with a well-developed sense of esthetics) and efficient because it manages to consolidate into one single act and gesture all the sense we could possibly assign to a real social sanction.

There is no doubt that we are often frustrated at not being able to find a way to vehemently protest about the stupid, naive and criminal behavior that negatively affects our country on a daily basis. The idea of putting together a group of citizens, family men, professionals and white-collar workers with briefcases and ties and heading out to the street to shamelessly whakapohane any deserving person is appealing. Consider the following:

What has been demonstrated without doubt over the past decades in Venezuela is an utter incapacity by government to manage its resources. The International Monetary Fund, for example, predicates that the solution to Venezuela's problems can be found by giving government even more resources to squander by way of increased taxes (as if our oil income wasn't enough taxation). Clearly, the IMF deserves an act of Whakapohane from our citizens. 

Banking charters are usually awarded in order for them to participate actively in the development of the country's economy. It is not enough for them to simply return the funds they have received on deposit, since if this were so, it would be better to simply buy a good mattress and put it into a large safe.

There are still many who think it is best to be puritan and to simply continue to tighten the screws on financial solvency of banks without paying attention to the real purpose of banking institutions These people deserve a solid Whakapohane.

There are many national authorities that evidently are aware of the damage to economies that short-term capital flows can cause, and also know that other countries have put workable legislation into place to limit these damages. They cannot be bothered to take the 48 hours required to simply copy this legislation and enact it in Venezuela. There is no doubt that these authorities deserve to be Whakapohaned.

Those people related to the oil sector that have not been able to either see or warn the country about the possibility of a fall in world oil prices, who, in spite of arguing in favor of conquering new markets, run for cover behind OPEC's skirts when confronted with adverse situations, and who continue to invest scarce resources in projects of low significance such as the expansion of our gasoline stations' capacity to sell snacks, should certainly be offered a great Whakapohane.

Many illustrious representatives of the private sector applauded the privatization of CANTV, without realizing that it was all an elaborate trick perpetrated by the government to collect taxes in advance which we now have to cover through exaggerated service charges. These guys are due a good Whakapohane.

Those die-hard defenders of free trade who simply do not understand that in a globalized world economy each country must, when the chips are down, defend itself and guarantee a minimum internal level of employment should be urgently Whakapohaned.

The entire political and economic system is based on centralized income and decentralized personal apparatchiks. Members of this system have not been able to come up with a real solution to our problems and should be considered traitors. They should all be paraded to La Carlota Airport and given the Mother of all Whakapohanes .

We have heard that one of the people most clearly and widely questioned in our recent history is due to return to Venezuela after statutes of limitations have expired. Just imagine what a marvelous message a small delegation of our "notables" dispatched down to Maiquetía to receive that person with a mini-Whakapohane would send. 

We should definitely not lightly discard the possibility of introducing an ancestral aboriginal custom from New Zealand in to the Venezuelan political scheme . 

Whakapohaners of the world, unite! The alternative are much worse.

Spanish translation

The first version was a blue one

Then, I don't know when... some applied the original concept